Монография американского института по оборонным проблемам рассматривает практику строения вооруженной силы в Афганистане. Изучение вопроса начинается от времен, когда афганцы оказали действенное сопротивление британской регулярной армии в 19-м столетии. Отдельно излагается практика борьбы афганских повстанцев против Советской армии во время Афганской войны восьмидесятых годов 20-го века. К исследованию прилагается несколько статей по историисоветской военной силы новейшего времени, об участии советских войск в войне в Афганистане.
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This would be affiliated to Hamas and would enjoy the same quasiindependent relations with it as Hamas originally had with the MB. 65 Yet – as another Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh, implies – even this ‘independence’ would have to be rationalised. ‘I think the movement will carry out military operations only in response to blatant Israeli aggression against our people, and the scale of the attacks will be determined by the level of popular support for such a strategy. 68 The alternative, Hamas’s continuation as an active 32 Dispatches from Palestine military organisation, is liable to provoke, at best, an extremely authoritarian form of self-government or, at worst, civil war.
For PLO activists in the territories the meaning of the Fatah/Hamas agreement was transparent – Hamas, finally and publically, had accepted the DOP as fact and were about to set out their store for the new politics it augured. An Islamist Nation ...? But what does Hamas want? This is not such an easy question, since political Islam in Palestine, like the Islamist resurgence elsewhere in the region, is homogeneous neither in its constituencies nor in its aims. 46 Such strata are the legatees of the MB’s old culturalist tradition.
But for Islamists who identify with the Izzadin el-Qassam tendency Marzuq’s statement meant what it said – that the national, including military, struggle would continue unless and until Israel fulfilled ‘Palestinians’ minimal rights’ of withdrawal, prisoner releases and sovereignty. It is clear that if Hamas wants to return to its ‘ideological fundamentals’ it will have to establish some kind of working rapprochement with the PA. But it is also clear that no rapprochement is going to be feasible – none at any rate that would survive the long reach of Israel’s (and now, ominuously, the PA’s) security forces – without a commitment from the Islamists to end the armed struggle, both within the autonomous areas and inside Israel.